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Sunday, March 30, 2014

When Charters Try to Crowd Out Marginalized Public School Kids



  Education  


 

A battle in NYC shows what happens when corporate-backed schools fight special needs public school kids for space.


Photo Credit: Lightspring / Shutterstock

 
In the national debate over education, corporate education reformers are arguing that charter schools are just another option for parents who deserve to have an array of choices on where to send their children. This framing purports to situate charter schools alongside public schools in coexistence rather than competition. But this is false. The harmonious vision falls apart when charters literally push out public schools, as illustrated by the current battle between charter chain Success Academy and several public schools in New York City’s Harlem.

A close look at the seemingly local dispute also shatters the fundamental premise that charters are as “public” as public schools, serving all children. With the charter movement in 42 states and stronger than ever, the struggle for space in Harlem is shedding light on some of the sector’s most dubious practices.
At the center of the dispute in Harlem, between Success Academy CEO Eva Moskowitz and New York City Mayor Bill de Blasio, are a group of students for whom the stakes of the debate — not just in Harlem but across the country — are quite high. Special education students are largely underrepresented in the charter sector, and if Success Academy had expanded the way it had hoped, it would have reduced space for a public school serving some of the city’s highest need students. That school is in District 75, a non-geographic district that serves students with disabilities across all of New York City, including children with autism, emotional or behavioral disorders, and multiple disabilities. Nationally, children with these types of high need disabilities are even more underserved by the charter sector than special needs childrenin general.

What’s going on in Harlem, then, may be unique to New York in terms of co-locations — when several schools are housed in the same building — but taps into the much broader issue of access and exclusion in the education “reform” movement. The territory dispute over limited space in New York City is symbolic of those national trends, with a charter school (Success Academy) attempting to expand its space at the expense of existing public schools (PS 149 and PS 811, the latter of which is in District 75). District 75 schools are often co-located with public schools that serve general education populations. Sometimes, District 75 schools exist at multiple sites, meaning a principal may be at one site, but the school may have other locations around the city with their own students, teachers and administrators.

In the struggle to find space for both public and charter schools, District 75 schools have long been the first to get shuffled around, according to Advocates for Children, an organization that defends access to education for students with disabilities and other marginalized children facing discrimination. “Because they’ve been broken up into pieces, the DOE [New York City Department of Education] often hasn’t seen them as having a real claim on being part of an education community,” explained Kim Sweet, executive director at Advocates for Children. But, added AFC staff attorney Paulina Davis, “I think for the students who are in those programs, they very much consider that [location] to be their school. That’s their community.”

Even when they don’t displace a District 75 school entirely, co-locations can encroach on available space and squeeze a building’s available resources. For high-need special education students, who often receive supports like speech, occupational and physical therapy, losing space to additional schools may leave them with literally nowhere to go. If Success Academy had expanded as planned into PS 811 in Harlem, those kids would have been left doing therapyin the halls.
The instability that comes with jostling for space creates an educational challenge for all types of children, who thrive under a steady routine. But for certain populations in District 75, that instability can be especially damaging. “For children who have particular challenges regarding change, dealing with change, or forming relationships, to move them around a lot is especially disruptive to their educational process,” explained Davis. Even small changes in routine can be extremely anxiety-inducing to some children with autism or emotional difficulties; that those students are so frequently expected to adapt or move entirely betrays a disregard for their needs and well-being.

Also at stake is the safety of these populations, whose behaviors sometimes require more support than general ed students. In New York City, as with an increasing number of school districts across the country, schools aremonitored by at least one NYPD School Safety Agent (SSAs, or sometimes referred to as “School Safety Officers” or SSOs), uniformed officers charged with maintaining the safety of the students. But as anNYCLU report uncovered late last year, SSAs receive little training in special education, making it much harder for them to meet the emotional or behavioral needs of the children they’re charged with protecting.

The tragic death of 14-year-old Avonte Oquendo illustrates the need for trained, knowledgeable SSAs in buildings that house special needs students. Oquendo, who was autistic and non-verbal, and had a known history of running off, wandered out of his school last October, but was seen and questioned by an SSA before exiting the building. His District 75 school was co-located with two other schools. “Questions have been raised as to whether the School Safety Officers in that school were adequately informed about the needs of the populations with autism who were attending the District 75 school,” said Sweet.

Sweet emphasized that sharing space isn’t always a bad thing. In fact, housing special needs children in the same building with general ed students provides important chances for kids to interact with each other. Integrating disabled and non-disabled students, she says, is beneficial for all children. The problem comes when long-term co-locations become unstable and District 75 students are forced to adjust, not because it’s in their educational interest but because a new program needs their space.

One of the especially sinister aspects to the current battle in Harlem is Success Academy’s own record when it comes to serving students with disabilities — a record that, once again, is illustrative of the charter sectorat large, with the important exception of charters that prioritize serving high-need populations.
Last summer, the Daily Newsreported that two dozen parents from Success Academy sites were claiming that the school was failing to follow federal and state laws when it came to disciplining their special needs children and that those kids are being suspended and pushed out at disproportionate rates compared to public schools. One Harlem site had a suspension rate of over 20 percent, compared to the single-digit rates of public schools in the same area. Success Academy 4, the location currently in the dispute that would have left District 75 students receiving services in the hallway, does not offer self-contained classes, according to the latest data fromInside Schools. That means that they would have taken space from a school serving a high need population, only to replace it with a school that could not serve that population. By comparison, Harlem public schools in the same area have about14 percent high need special education students.

“When you have a school that is attempting to come into this community, that is not prepared to accept and service the same students within that community, that is concerning,” said Davis. Disturbingly, a study by the U.S. Department of Education found that, at a quarter of the charter schools surveyed, administrators had told parents that their school would not be a“good fit” for their disabled child. According to the Council for Exceptional Children, discouraging the enrollment of special needs children is illegal since it breaks with the nondiscriminatory policies required of public schools.

To cite charter schools’ high test scores as evidence that they offer a better education than public schools, as Moskowitz does, is dangerously misleading given their exclusion of certain types of learners. “To allow the charter schools, which are supposed to be equal opportunity educators, to dump those students, and to accept only those students who come to them without problems, without issues, without challenges is really to set them up to succeed and public schools up to fail,” said the New York Civil Liberties Union’s executive director Donna Lieberman. “All kids have a right to an education, not just the ones who are easy.”

Mayor de Blasio’s call to rescind three of Moskowitz’ locations was an important push against an ongoing, nationwide effort by well-funded charter investors to encroach on public education. It’s a physical battle, and a political one. And the proponents of charters are not reacting in kind to de Blasio’s small but significant effort to apply even the slightest brakes to their mission — which has the support of Andrew Cuomo, U.S. Secretary of Education Arne Duncan and the powerful, ruthless national education “reformer” Michelle Rhee. The New York Senate’s latest budget proposal calls to increase public funding for charters and further empower the charter sector. It also reinstates Moskowitz’ co-locations — meaning that special needs students in Harlem are once again at risk of losing more of their school.

Given the strength and scope of the charter sector in this country, these issues of access and inclusion must be part of any conversation in which these schools call themselves “public.” To advocate for parental choice is one thing. But if the same schools meant to increase possibilities are, in fact, eliminating them for certain children, then the rhetoric of charters falls apart. Students with disabilities deserve schools that can meet their needs and make them feel welcomed and supported. The rights of already marginalized children should not be an afterthought in the education debate. The erosion of those rights is a profound and imminent crisis to the principle of public education.


Molly Knefel is a writer, comedian, and co-host of Radio Dispatch, a political podcast that airs Monday-Thursday. Follow her at @mollyknefel.

Monday, January 13, 2014

Ten Examples of Welfare for the Rich and Corporations


Dissident Voice: a radical newsletter in the struggle for peace and social justice

Ten Examples of Welfare for the Rich and Corporations

Here are the top ten examples of corporate welfare and welfare for the rich.   There are actually thousands of tax breaks and subsidies for the rich and corporations provided by federal, state and local governments but these ten will give a taste.

(1)  State and Local Subsidies to Corporations.  An excellent New York Times study by Louise Story calculated that state and local government provide at least $80 billion in subsidies to corporations.   Over 48 big corporations received over $100 million each.  GM was the biggest at a total of $1.7 billion extracted from 16 different states but Shell, Ford and Chrysler all received over a billion dollars each.  Amazon, Microsoft, Prudential, Boeing and casino companies in Colorado and New Jersey received well over $200 million each.

(2)  Direct Federal Subsidies to Corporations.  The Cato Institute estimates that federal subsidies to corporations costs taxpayers almost $100 billion every year.

(3)  Federal Tax Breaks for Corporations.  The tax code gives corporations special tax breaks which reduced what is supposed to be a 35 percent tax rate to an actual tax rate of 13 percent, saving these corporations an additional $200 billion annually, according to the US Government Accountability Office.

(4)  Federal Tax Breaks for Wealthy Hedge Fund Managers.  Special tax breaks for hedge fund managers allow them to pay only 15% rate while the people they earned the money for usually pay 35% rate.  This is the break where the multimillionaire manager pays less of a percentage in taxes than her secretary.  The National Priorities Project estimates this costs taxpayers $83 billion annually and 68% of those who receive this special tax break earn more than $462,500 per year (the top one percent of earners).

(5)   Subsidy to Fast Food Industry.  Research by the University of Illinois and UC Berkeley documents that taxpayers pay about $243 billion each year in indirect subsidies to the fast food industry because they pay wages so low that taxpayers must put up $243 billion to pay for public benefits for their workers.

(6)  Mortgage Deduction. The home mortgage deduction, which costs taxpayers $70 billion per year, is a huge subsidy to the real estate, banking and construction industries.  The Center of Budget and Policy Priorities estimated that 77 percent of the benefit goes to homeowners with incomes over $100,000 per year.

(7)   The billions above do not even count the government bail out of Wall Street which all parties have done their utmost to tell the public they did not need, they paid back, or it was a great investment.  The Atlantic Monthly estimates that $7.6 trillion was made available by the Federal Reserve to banks, financial firms and investors.  The Cato Institute estimates (using government figures) the final costs at $32 to $68 billion, not including the takeover of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac which alone cost more than $180 billion.

(8)  Each major piece of legislation contains new welfare for the rich and corporations.  The Boston Globe analyzed the emergency tax legislation passed by Congress in early 2013 and found it contained 43 business and energy tax breaks worth $67 billion.

(9)  Huge corporations which engage in criminal or other wrongful activities protect their leaders from being prosecuted by paying huge fees or fines to the government.  You and I would be prosecuted.  These corporations protect their bosses by paying off the government.  For example, Reuters reported that JPMorgan Chase, which made a preliminary $13 billion mortgage settlement with the US government, is allowed to write off a majority of the deal as tax deductible, saving the corporation $4 billion.

(10)  There are thousands of smaller special breaks for corporations and businesses out there.  There is a special subsidy for corporate jets which cost taxpayers $3 billion a year.   The tax deduction for second homes costs $8 billion a year.  Fifty billionaires received taxpayer funded farm subsidies in the past twenty years.

If you want to look at the welfare for the rich and corporations start with the federal Internal Revenue Code.  That is the King James Bible of welfare for the rich and corporations.  Special breaks in tax code is the reason there are thousands of lobbyists in the halls of Congress, hundreds of lobbyists around each state legislature and tens of thousands of tax lawyers all over the country.

Bill Quigley is a professor of law at Loyola University New Orleans and Associate Legal Director at the Center for Constitutional Rights. He can be reached at: quigley77@gmail.com. Read other articles by Bill.

Friday, December 13, 2013

The Pledge of Corporate Allegiance?

IN THESE TIMES


WITH LIBERTY AND JUSTICE FOR ALL...



The Pledge of Corporate Allegiance?

Leaks reveal that corporate front group ALEC may ask for loyalty oaths from legislators.


BY Leo Gerard, United Steelworkers President


 
ALEC met again last week. Maybe it adopted the loyalty oath then. Again, the public doesn’t know because ALEC excluded reporters and citizens from its work sessions.

Witch hunter Joseph McCarthy would be proud of ALEC. So proud! Like McCarthy, the shadowy corporate lobby group wants oaths of allegiance.

McCarthy demanded loyalty pledges to the United States. ALEC, by contrast, wants its lawmaker members to vow first allegiance to ALEC.

This summer, ALEC (the sham that calls itself the American Legislative Exchange Council) proposed asking the legislators it appoints as state directors to raise their right wings and swear: “I will act with care and loyalty and put the interests of the organization first.”

ALEC first. Before the lawmaker’s constituents. Before the interests of the lawmaker’s state. Before the constitution of the United States. ALEC’s proposal would require lawmakers to forsake their oaths of office and swear fidelity instead to the organization that wines, dines, indulges and indoctrinates them with buckets full of corporate cash. The idea of an ALEC loyalty oath clarifies the allegiance of the 1,810 state legislators that ALEC claims as members. They see their primary duty as serving corporations, specifically the corporations that give millions to ALEC.


ALEC claims it didn’t adopt the loyalty oath. But citizens have no way of knowing if that’s true because ALEC’s meetings are clandestine affairs, no reporters or citizens allowedDocuments leaked to The Guardian reveal that ALEC proposed the oath at its August meeting. It’s contained in a massive list of duties for state legislative coordinators, a list so long that it’s not clear when coordinators would have time to work for the citizens of their state, a list complete with an agreement signature sheet where the coordinator would swear to complete the work for ALEC.

  ALEC (All Legislation Enhancing Corporations) is a secretive corporate front group that solicits money from corporations and spends it flying lawmaker-members to conferences in swanky settings where they help corporate members write legislation to fatten the corporate bottom line. The lawmakers take ALEC legislation back to their states, where they often introduce it word-for-corporate-written-word, sometimes with the ALEC logo still affixed to the pages.

This process effectively eliminates those pesky voters from lawmaking. ALEC is the middleman bringing corporations and lawmakers together, facilitating a process in which corporations craft legislation for themselves, and then lawmakers—all fat and happy on the corporate dime—take that legislation home and get it passed. No citizen input needed, thank you.

Stand your ground” laws are an ALEC achievement. These shoot-first-ask-questions-later decrees create deadly situations like the one in which George Zimmerman walked free after shooting unarmed teenager Trayvon Martin.

Shoot-first laws are great for gun manufacturers, assuring no liability for hotheads who rashly use their products. Florida’s shoot-first law wasn’t so great for Trayvon Martin. And, as it turns out, shoot-first  wasn’t great for ALEC, which lost about 400 lawmaker members and at least 40 significant corporate sponsors as a result of publicity linking ALEC to the shoot-first  laws and other legislation detrimental to citizens, such as ALEC’s voter suppression legislation requiring citizens to perform backflips through flaming hoops before exercising their most basic right in a democracy.

ALEC documents just leaked to The Guardian newspaper reveal the shadow group’s latest campaign to enrich corporate members at the expense of citizens. ALEC wants homeowners who have bought and installed solar panels or wind turbines to pay utility companies to accept the excess electricity they generate.

When utilities get power from oil or coal-fired generators or nuclear plants, they pay for it. But ALEC’s energy industry members want homeowners who produce renewable energy to be treated differently. They want homeowners who produce green electricity to pay the utility to take it, and then the utility would sell it.

The utility gets paid by both the energy producer and user! It’s a win-win, where the utility wins twice. For green energy producers and consumers, it’s a lose-lose.

Such legislation is the reason ALEC needs that loyalty oath—to get lawmakers to swear to serve corporations and ignore constituents.
ALEC met again last week. Maybe it adopted the loyalty oath then. Again, the public doesn’t know because ALEC excluded reporters and citizens from its work sessions. It allowed reporters only to attend speeches by Republican publicity-seekers such as Ted Cruz, the Texas senator who insisted on shutting down the government for 16 days in a failed attempt to kill the Affordable Care Act and deny millions health insurance.

Cruz slandered Sen. Dick Durbin (D-Ill.), who conducted hearings earlier this year on ALEC’s role in propagating shoot-first laws. In a warped attempt to be funny, Cruz attributed to Sen. Durbin a frightening McCarthy line. Cruz told the ALEC members: “I was just at the Capitol and I was asked to pass along an inquiry from Sen. Durbin: ‘Are you now or have you ever been a member of ALEC?’ ”

Cruz is wrong. Americans should be asking that question because they can’t be sure their state lawmakers haven’t sworn first allegiance to ALEC and thus foresworn their duty to first serve the citizens of their states and uphold the constitution.

ALEC claims 1,810 state lawmakers hand over—or get their state taxpayers to pay for them—$100 ALEC membership dues. But that figure seems questionable. For example, ALEC claims every single legislator in Iowa—all 150 of them, Democrats included—and every single legislator in South Dakota—all 105 of them, Democrats included—are members. This is an organization that describes its mission as advancing free markets, limited government and federalism. Those are the priorities of the Tea Party, not Democrats.

While some organizations have tried to compile ALEC membership lists based on leaked ALEC documents, some individual lawmakers on those lists, particularly Democrats, have publicly denied any association with ALEC.

Voters have a right to know where the allegiance of their lawmakers’ lies. They should be asking if their elected representatives have sworn to serve ALEC first. And if so, those should be the first to go.
Leo Gerard is the president of the United Steelworkers International union, part of the AFL-CIO. Gerard, the second Canadian to lead the union, started working at Inco's nickel smelter in Sudbury, Ontario at age 18. For more information about Gerard, visit usw.org.

More information about Leo Gerard, United Steelworkers President

Corporate Extortion: States Are Giving Billions to Corporations That Don’t Create Jobs


  Corporate Accountability and WorkPlace  


 

Bidding war for Boeing showcases upside-down priorities. 

 
 
Photo Credit: Image by Shutterstock
 
As the nation turns its attention to the latest federal budget deal where curtailed spending and cuts are the defining principal, a dozen blue and red state governors are in a bidding war recklessly offering to spend billions for tax breaks and other public-paid subsidies to lure the corporate giant Boeing to build its next-generation aircraft factory.

Beyond the schizophrenic spectre of congressional negotiators saying no to spending as governors are offering mountains of cash is a maddening reality: these taxpayer subsidies do not create the promised jobs or investments, a series of striking academic studies have found. All they do is boost bottom lines by cutting corporate costs.

“Economic development officials value business tax incentives as tools needed to compete with other states,” a November report commissioned by New York State’s Tax Reform and Fairness Commission began, stating their presumptive selling point. “There is, however, no conclusive evidence from research studies conducted since the mid-1950s to show that business tax incentives have an impact on net economic gains to the states above and beyond the level that would have been attained absent the incentives.”

The 143-page study, produced by Marilyn M. Rubin of John Jay College and Donald J. Boyd, the former director of the Rockefeller Institute of Government State and Local Government Finance research group, was not alone in this conclusion.

“We estimate the impact of manufacturer business taxes on value added during the 1990s for 15 manufacturing sectors in 20 U.S. states,” began a National Science Foundation report published this past June. “When we isolate the value of industrial incentives from the basic tax system in our theoretically preferred marginal tax measure, we find… only 1.2 percent industrial growth, the latter elasticity not statistically different from zero.”

Zero. Think about that. Right now the federal government is curtailing spending on a vast array of needed initiatives—from social safety nets to next-generation weather satellites. And in state and local government, which is the frontline for services and will face the consequences of federal budget cuts, yet another corporate giant is seeking and being offered billions—even as experts say those subsidies are worthless for creating jobs.

“When combined with many previous reports, the Rubin and Boyd [New York State] study shows that state and local giveaways to corporations simply redistribute wealth upward without increasing jobs,” wrote David Cay Johnston, a former Pulitzer Prize winning New York Times taxation reporter for TaxAnalysts.com. “Their continued existence is a testament to the benefits of being politically connected.”

The national cost of “being politically connected” was estimated at $80 billion annually, the New York Times found last year after investigating the “incentives [that] are given by states, cities and counties to companies that often pit local officials against one another to get the most lucrative packages.” Kenneth Thomas, a University of Missouri-St. Louis political scientist, estimated that cost was $70 billion annually, Johnston noted.

Boeing’s bidding war is the latest high-profile example of this corporate extortion racket.

It threatened to leave Washington and build a new factory for its next-generation 777X jet—which has $95 billion in orders—after a key union, the International Association of Machinists and Aerospace Workers, refused to accept a freeze in members’ pensions.

That prompted Boeing executives—who moved their headquarters to Chicago a decade ago after another interstate bidding war—to say that it was looking for greener pastures. Washington’s legislature convened a special session and adopted a package of subsidies worth $8.7 billion through 2040. Missouri put together a package worth $1.7 billion.
The St. Louis Post Dispatch got a copy of Boeing’s wish list, which was supposed to be confidential. It included free land, free facilities, free worker training, access to roads, railways and special runways, and all possible tax breaks. “Entire applicable tax structure including corporate income tax, franchise tax, property tax, sales/use tax, business license/gross receipts tax and excise taxes to be significantly reduced,” it said.

The nation’s political elite doesn’t want to hear that coddling corporations is a ripoff—and the public’s money could and should be more wisely spent elsewhere. In Congress, supporting for legitimate public needs has become an unforgiveable sin in the eyes of rightwing Republicans in both chambers. Meanwhile, pro-corporate Democrats also support unneeded corporate largesse, as seen by the pathetic offers to companies like Boeing coordinated by governors such as Washington’s Jay Inslee, a Democrat.  
  
The corporate subsidies study commisioned by New York’s Democratic Gov. Andrew Cuomo was apparently not what the governor wanted to hear, Johnston reported. It was not merely shelved, but Cuomo’s response to the corporate subsidy report was to appoint a new tax reform commission, “and made no mention of eliminating the tax credits so thoroughly dissected by Rubin and Boyd,” he wrote. “The implication being that not having gotten what he wanted, Cuomo is trying again for a report made as instructed—although only time will tell.”

Meanwhile, across the country, there is little evidence that government is slowing the movement of taxpayer resources toward the top. The newest federal budget deal doesn’t raise taxes on the wealthiest people or institutions. Instead, it cuts services for the middle-class, poor and eats away at federal workforce pay and benefits, according to an early analysis by the Washington-based Center for Budget and Policy Priorities.

At the state level, GOP governors—some of whom have blocked Obamacare and denied access to proactive care for their poor by refusing federal funds to expand Medicaid, such Alabama and North Carolina—were “putting together bids [for Boeing]… bragging about their respective environments of can-do optimism,” The New York Times reported.   
    
This schism—Congress curtailing spending while states bend over backwards to offer the latest corporate giant everything it wants—shows the power and reach of government. If only that “can-do” attitude was put to work to cultivate economic security for millions of struggling American households, instead of for a wealthy corporation that’s evaded taxes and reported billions in profits for years.  


Steven Rosenfeld covers democracy issues for AlterNet and is the author of "Count My Vote: A Citizen's Guide to Voting" (AlterNet Books, 2008).

Wednesday, November 13, 2013

Corporate America’s New Scam: Industry P.R. Firm Poses as Think Tank!




How the media fell hook, line and sinker for the propagandist, respectable-sounding "Employment Policies Institute"

 
 
 
When scholars at University of California, Berkeley, recently released a study finding that low wages in the fast food industry cost taxpayers $7 billion every year in social supports to subsidize salaries of low-income workers, they ran into a respectable-sounding opponent. The professors had argued that the minimum wage should be increased to relieve the burden on taxpayers who underwrite supersize restaurant industry profits.


 
Richard Berman (Credit: CBS News)


But as the bona fide academic study rolled out, multiple media outlets ran comments criticizing the report’s numbers and methodology from the scholarly sounding “Employment Policies Institute.”  The Austin Business Journal characterized EPI as a think tank “which studies employment growth,” while the Miami Herald ran a quote from Michael Saltsman, whom the paper named as EPI’s “research director.”

For his part, Saltsman ran aggressive Op-Eds against any minimum wage increase in papers such as the the Missoulian, where he was described as EPI’s “research fellow.” In an Op-Ed he wrote for the Washington Post, his title was listed as EPI’s “research director” but with a notation that EPI “receives funding from restaurants, among other sources.” But even this partial disclosure provides a disservice to readers in the nation’s capital.

In fact, the Employment Policies Institute operates from the same office suite as Berman and Co., a public relations firm owned by Richard Berman. This is not an opinion; it’s a fact anyone can verify by viewing EPI and Berman and Co.’s websites. In such a depressed media environment — where there are four public relations flacks for every reporter, compared to a 1-to-1 ratio in the 1960s – it is not surprising that a P.R. company could successfully rebrand itself as a think tank and capitalize on an acronym held by an actual think tank, the Economic Policy Institute, with 20 staff and 36 respected research associates.

At the Center for Media and Democracy, we have spent 20 years tracking disinformation and spin, and Richard Berman has long been one of our favorite research subjects. Berman came out of the restaurant industry, spending several years as a top executive at Steak and Ale before launching Berman and Co. to help advocate for corporate America. His clients have included tobacco companies (for which he formed an entity he called the Center for Consumer Freedom) and the soda makers (for which he created the American Beverage Institute).  He was once profiled on a “60 Minutes” piece titled “Dr. Evil.” But one of his most successful products has been the Employment Policies Institute.

EPI regularly opines in the press on a host of topics. Recently it has been working to show that restaurant workers don’t need higher wages or paid sick days, but few Americans are informed by the press that this “think tank” is just one or two individuals working for spinmeister Berman, likely on a contract for the restaurant industry.

We recently analyzed three years of newspaper stories from across the country that quoted from EPI or Michael Saltsman.

In 83 percent of the stories we examined, reporters provided readers with no information about EPI’s relationship with Berman and Co. In most cases, journalists stated that EPI is a “Washington DC nonprofit” and called Saltsman a “research director.” In some instances, reporters took tentative steps in the right direction and called EPI “conservative” or “pro-business.” Only about 3 percent of the time did they correctly link EPI to Berman and Co.

Failing to note EPI’s role as an arm of Berman and Co. fools readers into thinking it is a legitimate and independent voice in national politics. In 37 percent of stories we found reporters tapped EPI to counter positions by government experts or politicians; in 39 percent EPI was used to counter policy experts at nonprofits; and 22 percent of the time, EPI was used as a counterpoint to academics at American universities.

Certainly corporations have a right to have their voice heard, but that voice should be their own, not that of a phony expert on retainer.

Lisa Graves is Executive Director of the Center for Media and Democracy, the publisher of PRWatch.org, SourceWatch.org, and BanksterUSA.org. She formerly served as Deputy Assistant Attorney General in the Office of Legal Policy at the U.S. Department of Justice, as Chief Counsel for Nominations for the U.S. Senate Judiciary Committee, and as Deputy Chief of the Article III Judges Division of the U.S. Courts.

Monday, November 11, 2013

Corporate America Wants the Trans-Pacific Partnership for Christmas This Year


Dissident Voice: a radical newsletter in the struggle for peace and social justice


Corporate America Wants the Trans-Pacific Partnership for Christmas This Year

 

In Secret Negotiations, U.S. Officials and Corporate Representatives Trade Our Human and Constitutional Rights for Corporate Profit



When “Everything That’s Fit to Print” Doesn’t Include the Content of a Proposed Trade Agreement, Who Represents the Public Interest at the Bargaining Table?

The New York Times – likely the most influential newspaper on the planet – last week editorialized in favor of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), a trade and investor rights agreement currently being negotiated in Washington D.C. by the United States Trade Representative (USTR) and eleven other nations which border the Pacific Ocean. Australia, Brunei, Canada, Chile, Japan, Malaysia, Mexico, New Zealand, Peru, Singapore, and Vietnam are all currently participating in the talks.

The Times’ editorial is of great interest – given the enormous influence the paper has upon public debate – and may represent yet another low point in the paper’s 21st century journalism, despite its benign title, “A Pacific Trade Deal.” 

As the Electronic Frontier Foundation (EFF) recently pointed out, the text of the TPP remains a secret, known only to the trade representatives involved in the talks and the 600 corporate representatives who have been invited to comment on it. The EFF’s Maira Sutton wrote:
That raises two distressing possibilities: either in an act of extraordinary subservience, the Times has endorsed an agreement that neither the public nor its editors have the ability to read. Or, in an act of extraordinary cowardice, it has obtained a copy of the secret text and hasn’t fulfilled its duty to the public interest to publish it.
So which is it – subservience to elite, undemocratic decision-making, or a cowardly deference to the exclusive authority of those elites?

Endorsing a trade agreement which has yet to be seen by the public, public interest groups, or our representatives in the House or Senate raises alarming questions about the New York Times’  view of the role of journalism in a functioning democracy. If all parties to public policy discussions agree that the policies in question should remain a secret, and the institutions of journalism which are indispensable to an informed citizenry find that acceptable, how is the public to voice its opinion of those policies?

U.S. negotiators have made no secret of their rationale for keeping the nearly-complete text of the agreement from the public. According to former U.S. Trade Representative Ron Kirk, once the mayor of Dallas, Texas and a golfing partner of President Obama, releasing the text before finished could raise such public opposition to the agreement that participants might later refuse to sign it. Kirk suggested in an interview with Reuters that this was the case in 2001, when the administration of George W. Bush released a highly edited, draft text of the Free Trade Agreement of the Americas and subsequently failed to reach a final agreement.

Congress, it seems, is no more inclined to demand a review of the trade documents in question, much less insist upon more public input. This is despite the fact that the U.S. Constitution grants Congress exclusive authority to negotiate the terms of trade agreements between states and with foreign countries.

In June, Senator Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass) sent Obama’s nominee to replace Kirk, Michael Froman, a letter requesting the TPP text, stating “I believe in transparency and democracy, and I think the U.S. Trade Representative (USTR) should too.” The USTR’s argument against releasing the text was, Warren wrote, “exactly backward.”

“If transparency would lead to widespread public opposition to a trade agreement, then that trade agreement should not be the policy of the United States.”

On June 19, 2013, Sen. Warren announced that she would not vote for Froman to take the trade office position due to his refusal to release the TPP text, even in an edited or redacted form. The Senate approved Froman’s nomination that day by a vote of 93 to 4, with few other senators willing to join Warren’s stand for transparency and the public interest. California Senator Barbara Boxer voted “present.”

Good Reason to Fear the TPP

 

According to information leaked from the secret negotiations over the past several years, as well as Public CitizenFood & Water Watch, and other public interest organizations, there are numerous areas in which the public should be concerned as the negotiations conclude. Many of the proposed rules in the agreement read like an extended Christmas wish list for corporate predators. Rules currently being negotiated would allow corporations to:
  • Buy land, natural resources, and factories without governmental review
  • Demand compensation from member countries for loss of “expected future profits” due to member countries’ health, labor, or environmental laws
  • Sue governments directly, before tribunals of private sector lawyers
A primary goal corporations have pushed the TPP to achieve has been the elevation of individual corporations and their investors to an equal standing with member nations; citizens of the member nations have no standing under the proposed TPP rules, and no legal recourse.
There are numerous other areas of concern:
  • Food safety - U.S. food safety laws governing pesticide residues, bacteria, and additives could be outlawed and weakened. Food labeling laws such as organic, animal-welfare, and GMO identification could be eliminated as an “illegal trade barrier.” Many TPP nations are huge farmed fish producers which use chemicals and antibiotics prohibited in the U.S. The TPP would increase the import of unsafe fish into the country.
  • Local foods - “Buy local,” “Buy American,” or other preferential purchasing programs, designed to strengthen local food systems and economies could be declared barriers to trade, with corporations and investors suing to force their elimination.
  • Fracking - The TPP would remove the Department of Energy’s authority to regulate natural gas exports to TPP member countries, eliminating DOE review of environmental and economic impacts of fracking on our communities. Given Japan’s insatiable demand for natural gas – representing a third of the world’s import market – pressure to increase fracking in the U.S. would certainly grow. This would also increase pollution and carbon emissions in the U.S., as the energy required to cool and liquefy natural gas into an exportable state renders it nearly as dirty as coal production.
  • Jobs - The TPP gives incentives to corporations to relocate jobs to lower wage TPP member nations, by guaranteeing both low risk and lower cost of doing so.
  • Banking - The TPP prohibits transaction taxes currently being discussed worldwide as a means to control financial speculation, which repeatedly threatens the international economy with financial crises. It also limits national “too big to fail” rules and reforms that separate consumer banking from riskier investment banking.
  • Internet - Despite their failure to pass last year’s wildly unpopular Stop Online Piracy Act (SOPA), which was derided as a gift to corporate desires to control and profit from the internet, many of SOPA’s provisions were folded into the TPP. The agreement would empower corporations to monitor our activities, arbitrarily cut off our internet access, remove content, and impose fines.

Fast-Track Authority


The White House and other participants to the TPP talks recently stated they’re on target to complete the trade negotiations by the end of the year.

Consequently, Obama has requested that Congress grant the administration fast track authority as the deal is finalized.

Fast track authority limits Congressional oversight – and therefore our only public analysis and input – of international trade deals. In recent years public interest advocates, activists, and others have successfully brought fast track to the public’s attention by pointing to its inherently anti-democratic nature – limiting public debate, Congressional review, and oversight removes the sole means by which the public can influence trade deals which impact us all.

Unfortunately the limited response of corporate negotiators and their associated friends and allies in the United States has been to rebrand fast track authority as “trade promotion authority” (TPA).

Senate Finance Committee leaders, Chairman Max Baucus (D-MT) and Ranking Member Orrin Hatch (R-UT) recently stated they will be working with their counterparts in the House to grant Obama the TPA he’s requested very soon.

Public interest groups are attempting to mobilize public opinion to oppose fast track authority and focus attention upon the Trans-Pacific Partnership, but time is running short. A group of fourteen organizations recently sent members of Congress a letter urging them not to grant the Obama administration fast track authority, citing the secrecy surrounding the TPP’s negotiation and the subsequent lack of accountability to the public that fast track would encourage.
The letter read, in part:
The American public has a right to know the contents of the international agreements its government is crafting. Corporations cannot be the only interests represented in this agreement, since they do not advocate for policies that safeguard or even represent the interests of the public at large. Given the administration’s complete lack of transparency in negotiating the TPP, it is vitally important that democratically elected representatives are at least given the opportunity to conduct a review and push for fixes.

Conclusion


Economist Dean Baker commented recently on the New York Times’ endorsement of the TPP.
Bizarrely, the NYT editorialized in favor of the TPP, concluding its piece:
A good agreement would lower duties and trade barriers on most products and services, strengthen labor and environmental protections, limit the ability of governments to tilt the playing field in favor of state-owned firms and balance the interests of consumers and creators of intellectual property. Such a deal will not only help individual countries but set an example for global trade talks.
Yes, boys and girls, Goldman Sachs, Exxon-Mobil and Pfizer will put together a deal that does all these things. This is serious?
Citizens concerned about the health and well-being of our communities, our food supply, our environment, jobs, freedom of speech and association, and the corporate takeover of our human rights are encouraged to contact their elected representatives and discuss the TPP with their colleagues, friends, and relatives.

Ask your reps to deny the administration the inherently undemocratic fast track authority. Insist upon a thorough, public review of the TPP by Congress. Though our nation increasingly appears to be run by, and for, the benefit of corporate America, those corporate elites and their benefactors’ greatest fear is an informed citizenry which is actively involved in the civic and political life of the country. We the people have the power. We have only to exercise it.
Resources for further information and for exercising your rights:

Contact your elected representatives

The Trans-Pacific Partnership and intellectual property rights

Expose the TPP

The Electronic Frontier Foundation

Public Citizen

• This article originally appeared at The Raucous Rooster

Christopher Fisher is an independent Sonoma County journalist whose work has appeared at Truthout, Civil Eats, Grist, and the Petaluma Bounty blog. He is also the Vice President of the recently reborn Petaluma Grange, one of the rapidly growing California Granges, which support democratic communities, sustainable agriculture, and fair local food systems. Read other articles by Christopher.

Monday, October 7, 2013

FDA Policy: Big Pharma Firms Pay to Play

'Instead of protecting the public health, the FDA has been allowing the drug companies to pay for a seat at a small table where all the rules were written.'

 

- Jacob Chamberlain, staff writer 
 
 
 
(Photo: Reuters)


Major pharmaceutical companies are engaging in "pay to play" arrangements that allow them to shape public policy on painkiller testing rules and regulations, according to e-mails obtained by a public records request.
The Washington Post reports:

A scientific panel that shaped the federal government’s policy for testing the safety and effectiveness of painkillers was funded by major pharmaceutical companies that paid hundreds of thousands of dollars for the chance to affect the thinking of the Food and Drug Administration, according to hundreds of e-mails obtained by a public records request.

The e-mails show that the companies paid as much as $25,000 to attend any given meeting of the panel, which had been set up by two academics to provide advice to the FDA on how to weigh the evidence from clinical trials. A leading FDA official later called the group “an essential collaborative effort.”

"They are getting a huge amount for very little money (impact on FDA thinking, exposure to FDA thinking, exposure to academic opinion leaders and their expertise, journal article authorship, etc.) and they know it," explains researcher behind the scheme.

The emails show exchanges between two medical professors at the head of a yearly clinical trials review panel known as IMMPACT. In the exchange, professors Robert Dworkin of the University of Rochester and Dennis Turk of the University of Washington discuss funding for the event and their inclusion of 14 pharmaceuticals companies who paid up to $25,000 each for admittance this year alone.

In these IMPAACT meetings, a panel of scientists, representatives from the FDA, the National Institute of Health (NIH) and the participating major pharmaceutical companies discuss the safety of individual painkillers and the procedures and results of clinical trials.

Together, the group produces and publishes scientific guidelines and “consensus” statements on the testing of the drugs, which Bob Rappaport, the chief of the FDA’s analgesic division and an attendee of many meetings of the group, has called “a wealth of opportunity for communication” that is “approving new analgesic drug products.”

In regards to the "fee" taken from pharmaceutical companies to partake, Prof. Dworkin explicitly explained the rationale in an email to partner Prof. Turk:

20k is small change, and they can justify it easily if they want to be at the table. Everybody has been very happy with [the meetings] and they are getting a huge amount for very little money (impact on FDA thinking, exposure to FDA thinking, exposure to academic opinion leaders and their expertise, journal article authorship, etc.) and they know it.

“These e-mails help explain the disastrous decisions the FDA’s analgesic division has made over the last 10 years,” Craig Mayton, the Columbus, Ohio attorney who made the public records request to the University of Washington, told The Washington Post. “Instead of protecting the public health, the FDA has been allowing the drug companies to pay for a seat at a small table where all the rules were written.”

The emails reveal a "pay-for-play arrangement" where companies buy access to policy-shaping, said Michael Carome, director of health research for the watchdog group Public Citizen.

"The whole picture is a troubling one and it warrants an independent investigation," said Carome.

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